MALINAMNAM NA PANLILINLANG!

Kinondena ng Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) ang pambobomba ng pampasaherong bus sa EDSA noong Enero 25, 2011. Sa naturang insidente limang (5) na ang namatay at 15 ang sugatan. With reference to Marco Balbuena sinabi ng CPP na “The NPA does not engage in such senseless acts of violence that cause death and injury to ordinary people….” (www.philippinerevolution.net, Jan 27, 2011)

Deklarasyong ala-Ponso Pilato. Nakakapang-akit na parang katotohanan!

Yan din ang awtomatikong tono ni Jose Ma. Sison (a.ka. Amado Guerero/Armando Liwanag) noong may sumabog na bomba sa rally ng Liberal Party (Agosto 21, 1971) sa Plaza Miranda. Mabilis nilang isiniwalat na ang pambobomba ay pakana ng Diktadurang Rehimen ni Marcos.

Sa ngayon, parang mga ibong loro at kalusasising naghihiyawan sa iba’t ibang nota ang makinarya ng maoistang CPP-NPA-NDF at mga legal na prenteng organisasyon nito upang ibunyag ang mga pagdududa na “…the bombing was carried out just a few days before the scheduled Strategic Dialogue between top security and defense officials of the Philippine and US governments. The bombing is now being portrayed as a confirmation of a recent US advisory about an imminent terrorist attack in the country…”

Ayon pa rin sa naturang Website ng CPP, “It is also curious that the bombing was carried out amidst some positive developments in the realm of peace negotiations between the Philippine government and the NDFP, which fascists and ultra-reactionaries have been trying to scuttle and saddle with difficulties. Preliminary consultations for the resumption of peace talks between the Philippine government and the MILF are also about to begin. These dark forces operating in the defense and security agencies have gone to great lengths to hinder progress in political negotiations and assert the primacy of the military in the counterrevolutionary war effort and in the so-called "maintenance of peace and order."

Naala-ala ko tuloy ang mga katagang laging binibitawan ni Bal Domingo, sa kanyang programa sa DZRB-Radyo ng Bayan, “…itong mga komunistang-terorista kung mananalita ay parang katabi nila ang mga nagplano sa kung anumang karahasan!”

Ang Plaza Miranda Bombing ay naging ‘kagagawan ni Diktadurya’ resulta ng masinop na propaganda ng mga komunistang-terorista. Sinamantala nila ang “mabaho na reputasyon” ni Marcos upang gatungan ang oposisyon na tumahak sa landas ng rebolusyonaryo at armadong pakikibaka para mabago ang sistema.

Ngunit pagkalipas ng ilang taon, lumabas ang katotohan. Ang nagpa-bomba ng Liberal Party Rally sa Plaza Miranda ay hindi si Marcos bagkus kauutusan ni Jose Ma. Sison “to create a quantum leap in the revolutionary situation” (Building a Better Nation by Jovito R. Salonga, page 65). Pinagtibay din ang rebelasyong ito ng mga dating kasapi ng CPP-NPA na bumalik-loob na sa Pamahalaan.

Ang kasinungalingan ay hindi pwedeng gawing pantabun upang lumabas na parang katotohanan ang isang mapanlinlang at demonyong adhikain! Naukit na sa mga pahina ng kasaysayan ng bansa ang pagkadalubhasa ng maoistang CPP-NPA-NDF sa paggamit ng dahas.

PEACETALK. Mula pa noong Administrasyong Cory Aquino walang humpay na kinakausap ng Pamahalaan itong mga komunistang-terorista. Seryoso ang Gobyerno na bigyan na ng tuldok ang insurgency para magkaroon ng kapayapaan at kaunlaran. Subalit, sa mahigit 22 taon nang patigil-tigil na negosasyon walang matinong nangyayari.

Ngayon naglalaway na naman ang maoistang CPP-NPA-NDF sa usaping ito sapagkat “friendly” sa kanila ang komposisyon ng Government Peace Panel. Ayon kay Cong. Jun Alcover (ng ANAD Partylist) “kaduda-duda ang mga personalidad nitong mga bumubuo ng ating panel dahil sa kanilang background galing sa kaliwang kilusan….”

Hindi pakay ng CPP-NPA-NDF na makamit ang “kapayapaan at kaunlaran”. Itinuturing nila ito na isang pagkakataon at instrumento upang medaling maagaw ang pampulitikang kapangyarihan. Ayon kay Luis Jalandoni, “..peacetalk is another form of legal struggle” na kinakailangang gamitin upang isulong ang rebolusyon.

Ano ngayon ang maasahan ng sambayan sa mga teroristang ito? Isa lang ang masisigurado ko, ang malinamnam na panlilinlang!

“GOOD VERSUS EVIL”: SAAN PATUTUNGO?

Naala-ala n’yo ba yong yugto na ikinakasa pa lamang ang kandidatura ni Noynoy Aquino para Pangulo? Iba’t-ibang mga grupo noon ang nananawagan ng pagbabago. Naging sandalan pa ang pagpanaw ni dating-Pangulong Cory Aquino para mabuo ang nagkakaisang pwersa laban sa pangkat ng Lakas-NUCD-KAMPI ng Administrasyong Arroyo.
Kanya-kanya sila sa pag-agaw ng pampublikong atensyon. Maniobrahan sa poll survey at mga opinyon, higit sa lahat pagandahan sa pormulasyon ng mga islogan para makahatak ng malawak na suporta.

Naging paborable sa oposisyon ang klema ng kampanya hanggang pumasok na sa 90 days official campaign period. Pumatok ang taktika na “this is a fight between good and evil”. Ang kampo ng pagbabago ay “good” at ang sinumang haharang ay kampon ng “evil”. Kinakailangang tahakin ang “tuwid na landas”.

Hindi kampo ni Noynoy ang nauna sa kampanyang “good and evil tactics”. Una itong ginamit ni George Bush para maipinta ang sarili “as the only moralist alternative with broad ethical personality to solve the crucial crisis plaguing the American people”. Pero natapos lang ang Administrasyong Bush, hindi naibsan bagkus mas tumindi ang economic crisis sa Estados Unidos. Ang patakarang “good versus evil” ay walang nagawa para magkaroon ng matatag na estabilidad sa Afghanistan at Iraq.

Dalubhasang sinakyan lamang ng kampo ni Bush (noong ito ay nangangampanya) ang “emosyon” ng mga Amerikanong sensitibo para sa pagbabago at manalo sa eleksyon. At ‘yan din ang nangyari dito sa ating bansa!

Parang tele-serye, pero taal sa kaugaliang Pilipino ang pagka-emosyunal. Kung ihalintulad sa isang piging –napanis ang inihain na “galling at talino”, “ibalik ang pwersa ng masa”, “sipag at tyaga” at mas nangulelat ang “pagbabago, ngayon na - batay sa pananampalataya”.

Sa masinop na kumbinasyon ng mga pulpito (ng Simbahang Katoliko) at media, tumimo sa emosyon at damdamin ng nakakarami ang panawagan para sa “tuwid na landas”. At kahit walang klarong direksyon kung saan susuong ang paglalakbay, nanalo si Noynoy Aquino bilang Pangulo ng Republika.

Poko-mas o menus walong buwan matapos ang May 10, 2010 national and local elections, umiba na naman ngayon ang pihit-ng-hangin. Muli ang target: emosyon at damdamin ng sambayanang Pilipino para makabuo ng malawak na pwersang pam-presyur upang maisaktuparan ang mga pangakong napaloob sa panawagang “tuwid na landas”.

Sabi ng isang Arsobisbo kay Pres. Noynoy, “…wag patakbuhin ang bansang ito sa pamamagitan ng Gabinete na parang Student Council”. Tumbok din ng mga pambabatikos ng tri-media ang mga personalidad na pumasok sa bagong Administrasyon, lalo na ‘yong mayayabang-na-tirador na sa maiksing panahon ay nagmamay-ari na ng mga magagarang sasakyan at sa mamahaling condominium na lumipat.

Sa isang tabloid minsan, tono ng kanilang headline na “playboy” ang Pangulo. At ngayon maanghang na pulutan ang pagbili ni P-Noy ng porche.

Ang nakikita ko dito ay isang sistematikong smokescreen. Sekondaryong mga usapin ang pinagkakaguluhan sa media. Mga paraan ito para hindi mapapansin ang unti-unting pagposisyon ng mga makakaliwang-pwersa sa loob ng Administrasyon at gobyerno.
Nakaligtaan na, ng mga kinauukulan ang batayang ugali ng mga komunistang-terorista. Ayon kay Lenin “use democracy to destroy democracy, join the government to destroy the government”. At ‘yan ang maniobra nila sa ngayon.

Resulta, maraming kaganapan na naging dehado ang gobyerno at lalong nagpa-igting ng mga pampulitikang bangayan.

Pinalaya ang “Morong 43” kahit ang mga ito ay kumpirmado ng military “na mga aktibong kasapi at kadre sa National Health Staff ng NPA”. Papasok sa peacetalk ang Administrasyong Aquino kahit na napatunayan na, batay sa 22 taon nang pakikipag-usap sa maoistang CPP-NPA-NDF na wala itong patutunguhan. Ayon kay Cong. Jun Alcover (ANAD Partylist) “…dehado ang gobyerno sa sitwasyong ito kasi binibigyan lamang ng pagkakataon ang CPP-NPA-NDF na makapag-konsolida ng kanilang hanay at malawak na entablado sa propaganda….” Nakapagtataka din na isang masugid na galling sa kaliwa ang ginawang political affairs adviser ng Pangulo.

Bahagi pa rin ba ito lahat ng “good and evil” tactics? Baka darating ang oras na paglalaruan na lamang tayo ng mga “evil” dahil ito ay “good” strategy!

Soldiers for peace and development murdered

Three Army soldiers deployed for peace and development outreach program were murdered on Thursday morning, January 6, 2011 in Southern Mindanao. The soldiers belong to the Peace and Development Team 905 of the Philippine Army’s 3rd Special Forces Battalion.

The three soldiers were riding a motorcycle heading towards Purok 4, Barangay Magdum, Tagum City when they were fired upon by suspected members of the New People’s Army belonging to Guerilla Front 33. Two of the soldiers died instantly while the third casualty expired while being treated at the Davao Regional Hospital in Tagum City.

“This is a case of murder,” said Lieutenant Colonel Ferdinand Napuli, Commander of the 3rd Special Forces Battalion. “Our soldiers were there for community works but the assailants want to destroy the peace that the soldiers are offering to the people,” he added. With the heavy downpour of rain in 10ID AOR, the soldiers were also alerted for the conduct of needs assessment and disaster response operations.

Implementation of the peace and development outreach program started in September last year. This program has resulted to the implementation of various humanitarian assistance programs including dengue prevention, clean up drives, blood letting, medical and dental mission, book distribution, supplemental feeding and gift giving. The program also resulted to the surrender of hundreds of former NPA members and supporters.

Major General Jorge Segovia, Commander of the 10th Infantry Division based in Davao City condemned the killing as a cowardly act of peace saboteurs. He said that the peace and development outreach program which is being implemented under the AFP’s Campaign Plan “Bayanihan” will continue to contribute in solving the root causes of insurgency. “The CPP plan to divert our attention away from community works will fail,” he said.

Nevertheless, he reminded his field commanders to be on the alert to prevent the recurrence of similar incident.

(As emailed by LTC MEDEL M AGUILAR PA. 10ID Public Information Officer)

THE ROLES OF PAST PRESIDENTS OF THE REPUBLIC IN SEARCH FOR LASTING PEACE (1st of 5 parts)

The time of the late-President Corazon Cojuanco-Aquino (1986-1992)

Former President Corazon C. Aquino carved out her own niche in Philippine history when she claimed the presidency through the peaceful People Power I known as the EDSA People’s Revolution in February of 1986.

She tried to heal the wounds of a divided nation when she announced her policy of reconciliation through peace negotiations with the communist insurgents and the Muslim secessionists. For a start, and as a showcase of her sincerity, she issued an executive clemency to political detainees that included Joma Sison. On top of this, she repealed all oppressive martial law decrees of her immediate predecessor, former President Marcos. And on April 20, 1986 she issued her clarion call for an indefinite ceasefire to clear the path for the peace talks.

In May 1986, preliminary negotiations between the government and the NDF began with a focus on possible cessation of hostilities; her government also provided safety guarantees for communist and Muslim representatives to the peace talks. Between the Muslims and the communists, the first to come to the peace talk were the latter. On June 26, 1986 the first three-man GRP Peace Panel was constituted with the following as members: then Chairman of the Commission on Human Rights Jose Diokno (who was later replaced by Ma. Serena Diokno when he fell ill and could no longer perform his duties); then Agriculture Sec. Ramon Mitra, Jr.; and Commission on Audit Chairman Teofisto Guingona. The NDF Panel was made up of four-person team consisting of Antonio Zumel, Satur Ocampo, Rafael Salas and Carolina Malay.

For reasons that were not made clear, the initial negotiations were held in secret before the ceasefire agreement of November 27, 1986 and then openly during the 60-day ceasefire that followed. On December 5, 1986 a five-member National Ceasefire Committee was formed to supervise the ceasefire; it was headed by Bishop Antonio Fortich of Bacolod City.

On December 10, 1986 a nationwide ceasefire took effect. In a joint statement, the government and NDF panels affirmed their commitments to uphold the ceasefire and asked for full cooperation from all sides to support the peace effort. During this period, the government proposed a P1-Billion program for the rehabilitation of rebels but the NDF insisted on a radical land reform to be implemented instead.

On December 23, 1986 the NDF panel submitted a counter-proposal for a negotiated settlement outlining “basic premises and objectives.” The NDF Paper define the roots on insurgency as “poverty, violation of civil liberties, lack of participation of the working classes, and the continued US domination” even as it sought the creation of a new coalition government and the calling of a constituent assembly. The government panel presented its proposal untitled, “Proposal of the government of the Republic of the Philippines to the NDF” with the general goals of alleviating poverty, generate productive employment, and promoting equity and social justice. The government proposed socio-economic programs as starting points, but the NDF wanted too begin with human rights issues. From the very start, both Panels were “clawing at each other.”

A compromise formula was proposed by the GRP panel head, the former Senator Jose Diokno which was “Food and Freedom, Jobs and Justice” in an attempt at a compromise but to no avail. In January 1987, the first formal peace negotiations dealing with substantive issues took place but it was short-lived. The differences between the frameworks presented by both sides to address socio-economic and political issues proved to be huge hurdles.

On January 22, 1987 the NDF walked out of the negotiations in the Netherlands after farmers and demonstrators threw stones at anti-riot police in Manila. The demonstrators tried to enter the area near Malacanang (official residence of Philippine President) but were prevented from doing so by the anti-riot police in a bloody clash. The NDF and GRP decided to suspend the negotiations while keeping ceasefire in effect. And down south Philippines in Mindanao Island many families were displaced in the barangays of Kiwalan and Dalipuga, all of Iligan City when army troopers continued to clash with the NPAs who were extorting money or harassing the people in the area. It could be gleaned that the communists, right from the very start of the peace talks, were using violent means as possible bargaining chips but the government refused to be intimidated and pursued the peace process, through a clear and defined path, instead.

After this sad episode, the government changed strategy: pursue peace talks through dialogues with the regional leaders of the CPP-NPA-NDF. A news set of government peace negotiators was created headed by then Senator Teofisto Guingona, Jr. as the GRP panel chairman with Jaime Guerrero and Alice Villadolid as members. Guingona appointed regional peace negotiators in all 12 regions of the country. He appointed the Roman Catholic Bishops, who also served in the ceasefire committees, as regional negotiators.

In 1987, President Cory Aquino created the Office of the Peace Commissioner (OPC), forerunner of the OPAPP, under Administrative Order No. 30, “Defining the Systematic Approach and Administrative Frame work for the Government’s Peace Effort” under the join Executive-Legislative Peace Council. She also appointed then Health Secretary Alfredo Bengson as Peace Commissioner. While the government was pursuing peace for the people it swore to protect, the CPP-NPA-NDF refused to condescend to peace for the sake of the Filipino people.